Rape in Prison

An intervention by Rape Crisis at Pollsmoor Prison

by Emma Harvey

In December 2000 staff of the Male Admissions Centre at Pollsmoor Prison approached Rape Crisis for advice on how to offer support to rape survivors in that section of the prison. Determined not to turn a blind eye to rape survivors, staff and prisoners wanted to break with prevailing attitudes that accept rape as a normal part of prison culture. A period of negotiation ensued to refine the request. During this time Friends Against Abuse (FAA) was formed in the prison. FAA is comprised of concerned prison staff and prisoners with high standing among their peers. The group has written and performed a play about rape in prison, developed posters on the issue, became involved in an HIV/AIDS awareness campaign in the prison, procured a “safe cell” for rape survivors and has instituted an orientation programme for new prisoners in the Admissions Centre.1 As such, important steps in dealing with the issue of sexual violence in the prison were already being taken when Rape Crisis began its intervention at Pollsmoor Prison.

Rape Crisis provided a once-off training programme at Pollsmoor Prison, which began in August 2001 and ended in October that year. At this stage, further work at Pollsmoor Prison or other prisons is not planned, although the intervention has opened up a new area of work that is significant to our mission of offering support to rape survivors and to make efforts at prevention. The reflection below is based on our single intervention at Pollsmoor Prison, which provided us with an opportunity to learn about rape in prison. We must emphasize, though, that we have made no decision as to whether to continue working with men in prisons at this point. We do, however, recognize the need for intervention in prisons and offer counselling services to male rape survivors.

“I and the public know

What all schoolchildren learn,

Those to whom evil is done

Do evil in return.”

(W.H Auden, September 1, 1939)

Introduction

As women actively involved in trying to put men behind bars as punishment for sex crimes, it felt very strange walking into the Male Admissions section of Pollsmoor Prison for the first time. Attempting to help the very people we oppose daily in our work seemed a contradiction. Striding purposefully down the dingy corridors, we could not help wondering how many of the men we encountered were imprisoned for sexual violence. Inevitably, the question arose that if these men are themselves rape survivors, could we choose not to be of assistance to them because of their possible previous history as perpetrators of rape and other forms of sexual violence? The easy and clear distinction we as counsellors at Rape Crisis tend to make between perpetrator and victim outside the prison environment was reduced to a paradoxical blur as we faced the possible perpetrators of old now themselves victims of sexual violence.

We realized though that prison is a crucial point of intervention in terms of prevention, not just for rape victims in prison but for society in general. Might not this be an opportunity to change the dominant pattern of prison rape victims becoming perpetrators of sexual violence when they are released, as a result of not having dealt with the trauma of rape experienced inside prison? Working with male rape survivors in prison and assisting them to move from victim to survivor in their recovery could break the cycle of sexual violence that reaches beyond the prison walls. Then again, perhaps it is idealistic to even attempt to break this overwhelming cycle of sexual violence, given the sheer numbers of prisoners and scale of sexual abuse in prison? These were some of the difficult questions we debated at Rape Crisis when we were first approached for assistance by Pollsmoor Prison staff.2

Right from the beginning we recognized in interacting with the prisoners the very real, traumatized little boy inside each of them. Most of the male prisoners we encountered possessed little or no education in emotional expression, aside from striking out at those easiest to reach. Conversations with prisoners and research showed that men who are raped and sexually violated inside prison are more likely (though not always) to exercise their unprocessed rage on women when they are released. One prisoner referrd to  Pollsmoor Prison, especially the juvenile section, as a breeding ground for rapists. It makes sense then that if we create deterrence mechanisms and treat trauma resulting from rape successfully in prison, perhaps this could also impact on broader society with regard to sexual violence. This possibility of intervening positively in the cycle of sexual violence, to a large extent, influenced our decision to respond to Pollsmoor Prison staff’s request for assistance. We also saw this as an opportunity to learn about the dynamics of male rape to improve the support services we offer outside prison to male rape survivors.

The widespread phenomenon of rape in South African prisons

Rape Crisis workers began to explore a new terrain for us — the dynamics of rape in prison — through conversations with individuals and resources posted on the website of the Stop Prisoner Rape Organization in the United States.3 Slowly a picture of the silent epidemic of rape and other forms of sexual violence in prison emerged. It is important to point out that we are still learning about the complexities associated with rape and other forms of sexual violence in the prison context and that our initial work at Pollsmoor Prison in no way makes us experts on this issue. What we can emphasize without hesitation though is the need for sustained and thorough redress efforts with regard to rape and other forms of sexual violence in prisons. Our intervention at Pollsmoor Prison evidenced the following:

• Rape and other forms of sexual violence are part of the prison culture in South Africa;

• Survivors of rape and other forms of sexual violence in prison require trauma counselling;

• Efforts must be made to break the culture of rape in prison;

• Rape in prison impacts directly on sexual violence outside the prison; the cycle of victim-perpetrator violence ensues from untreated rape of male prisoners; and

• The sexual needs of prisoners must be dealt with realistically and humanely by the Department of Correctional Services, especially given the current HIV/AIDS pandemic.

The dynamics of rape in prison

In South Africa rape is defined legally as the intentional, unlawful, sexual penetration of a woman without her consent, with sexual penetration defined as the penis touching the outer lips of the vagina. This definition has obvious shortcomings, especially where male rape is concerned. It does not remotely cover the occurrence of male rape in prison, which is conducted along gender lines (see discussion below), and the contested understandings of sex.

Rape Crisis views any forced sexual contact, whether it occurs inside prison or outside, as sexual violence. Rape is commonly believed to be the sexual penetration of an individual by another; for men rape is generally seen as forced anal penetration. The definition Rape Crisis holds extends further to include sexual abuse in general such as forced oral sex, simulated sex with any part of the body and the use of objects (what is currently defined as sexual assault under the law). Our concept of sexual violence includes not only the use of force to rape and abuse, but also aspects of manipulation and coercion. Rape Crisis defines rape as an act of violence where any sexual act is used as a tool of violation. It is not only the body but also the mind that is violated, which is often the most difficult aspect to deal with in rape.

Any form of sexual violence results in much trauma and suffering on the part of the victim. Being a prisoner does not change the traumatic effects of sexual violence on a victim. But the prison environment does present factors associated with rape and other forms of sexual violence that differ from their occurrence outside prison. These include the reasons why rape and other forms of sexual violence occur in prison, the culture of rape in prison; the gender dynamics at play in the (male) prison environment and the access to support for survivors, which are all exacerbated by the power dynamics prevalent in the prison culture.

Male rape in prison is a complex issue, which takes various forms and can be attributed to a number of causes. Rape Crisis is clear on the difference between sex and sexual violence, even within the prison environment. Any form of sexual contact with another person that involves coercion or lacks mutual consent is abuse, even though the degree of physical force applied may vary. In fact, a sexual act under these circumstances is violence. As stated previously, the primary motivation of rape is power, with sex as the tool. Hence rape, even in prison, is not about a need for sex but power.

It is a sad fact that the culture in male prisons asserts power relations predominantly through aggressive forms of masculinity and force. According to one American writer,

“Rape is not an isolated event in prison, it is part of a larger phenomenon: the ranking of prisoners in a hierarchy by their fighting ability and manliness… It is inevitable then that a youth in an adult penitentiary at some point will have to attack or kill, or else he most certainly will become a punk. If he cannot protect himself, someone else will” (Kupers 2001, p.5).

In addition, a prevalent culture in South African prisons that often blurs the line between sexual violence and sex facilitates the frequent occurrence of rape in prison. This occurs wilfully or could stem from ignorance. (After all, South African society does not provide a sterling example of open attitudes where sex is concerned despite our progressive Constitution, and sex education can at best be described as inadequate in its implementation. This may be a consequence of the totalising effects of apartheid rule on South African society, but one that our new democracy must change quickly, given the high rates of sexual violence and HIV infection in the country.)

Rape in prison takes many different forms. The most brutal form is gang rape where one man is raped by more than two perpetrators. (According to some prisoners we interviewed at Pollsmoor Prison, up to nine to twelve perpetrators could be involved in a gang rape.) Gang rape is perpetrated for various reasons, especially among the 28s prison gang. A gang member may choose rape over death as the penultimate punishment for disobeying gang codes. Another reason may be initiation or “sport” where rape is considered a form of fun. Initiation rapes also serve a social purpose of sorts, creating a class of men in prison who are “turned out” and made available for sex. A class of subordinate men — “wyfies” (local prison slang for wife), voële (local prison slang for birds) or “punks” (American slang) — is created according to a strict hierarchy of manliness. One of the fascinating dynamics of rape in prison is the “womanisation” (what is termed “turning out”) of the victim. The victim is assigned a subservient position and role; he is offered protection and often given domestic chores.The perpetrator is the “man”. He has the power of taking sexual favours and may pimp out his “wyfie” to other prisoners. The “wyfie” becomes property, a means of making visible the perpetrator’s “manhood”, which within the prison system is characterized by physical strength and aggression, as suggested by Kupers (2001).4

Other forms of sexual violence in prison involve different degrees of physical and emotional violence. Objects can be used, thigh sex may be practiced and forced oral sex is also prevalent. Some victims are manipulated into exchanging their bodies for favours and privileges. Often, they are solicited without mention of the price. Clever words are used to trick new prisoners into saying yes without them realizing that they are agreeing to rape or other forms of sexual violence. As with female rape, the burden of blame shifts on to the victim: he said “yes” or he did not say “no”. For example, after making friends with a new prisoner a perpetrator might use the metaphor of sharing an umbrella to keep off the rain. He may ask questions in a leading manner to get a new prisoner to invite him to share his blanket, which is considered tacit agreement to sex. In Pollsmoor Prison, which is massively overcrowded, opportunities for such manipulation of new prisoners abound.

Ongoing sexual abuse occurs in a variety of ways. Some prisoners form “protective” sexual partnerships to avoid continual victimization. To escape being abused by many, they “choose” to have one partner who might protect them from abuse from others most of the time. The motivation to exchange sex for protection often includes fear and stems from coercion, and as such constitutes a traumatic experience. Many prison staff dismiss claims of sexual violence arising from these protective pairings. (A parallel example for the purpose of illustration is a police officer who dismisses claims of domestic violence or rape within a marriage.)

The effects of rape on victims

Rape Trauma Syndrome (RTS), a form of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), is often experienced by rape victims. The power issues and physical, sexual nature of rape have specific resonances which sufferers of other traumatic experiences may not experience. RTS has many similarities for men and women, but is experienced on a number of different levels.5 The first relates to the physical level, which raises practical concerns for rape survivors. Most rapes contain an element of violence, which is marked on the body and requires treatment — cuts, bruises and stiffness are some of the milder, more immediate physical effects. It is also highly likely that infections may occur and the potential of contracting sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), including HIV, is tremendous. For many survivors the possibility of facing HIV/AIDS in addition to the trauma of the violation of rape is an overwhelming concern. For survivors who have been anally penetrated, this risk rises exponentially due to the tearing of skin. (Tearing occurs even when anal sex is consensual and without force.) In the immediate aftermath of rape, most survivors need some kind of medical attention and support to deal with and contain the shock and trauma experienced. Access to good health facilities is therefore necessary for all survivors. For survivors in prison, the typical support networks of family and friends are not available; access to health facilities is limited and there appears to be no structure to deal with the immediate trauma.

Many of the behavioural and psychological aspects of RTS are similar for men and women, but there are a few key differences. One of the greatest differences is the overwhelming silence surrounding male rape. The twentieth century, which saw the rise of the women’s movement and rights, has made it possible for more women to speak out about rape and other forms of sexual abuse. However, it is still almost impossible for men to speak about their experiences of sexual victimization. If they do, they are often not believed or taken seriously. (As previously noted, South Africa’s current legal definition of rape (which will soon change) does not acknowledge that men can be raped. Men who report rape in health clinics are often sent away, as health practitioners do not know how to offer emotional or practical support to them. In terms of gender transformation, women generally appear more inclined than men to empower and educate themselves and other women on issues of gender identity and roles. Unfortunately, the same cannot be said for men. Little is being done to empower men who are also victims of aggressive masculine cultures that give rise to aggressive masculine identities. Most men remain oblivious to the mechanisms that construct their gender identities and social roles until they themselves are bullied or fall victim to sexual assault by other men.6

Society’s conception of masculinity is generally one of invulnerable power. (Of course, this is a broad generalization, which due to space limitation, unfortunately cannot be unpacked here.) Many of the men in FAA stressed the inability of men to admit to the experience of rape, especially to other men. (This raised the issue of peer counselling within the prison, and contributed to our decision to train FAA members in Pollsmoor Prison as facilitators to refer rape survivors on for professional help.) Society holds on to the homophobic myth that a “real man” cannot be penetrated; he should have been strong enough or fought harder to show that he is a real man. In prison there are also specific factors that exacerbate the sexual violence a victim is subjected to, such as the inability to remove himself from the situation of abuse. The fact is that a rape victim in prison cannot get out of jail. Once raped, his reputation as a man who has been penetrated is likely to precede him wherever he goes in the prison system, making him vulnerable to further assaults. This appears to be another way in which the engendering aspect of rape culture, discussed earlier, operates in prison.

Many male rape survivors in prison question their masculinity, both around issues of power and sexuality, which are exacerbated by widespread homophobic myths such as the one mentioned above, that being penetrated makes a man gay. Without going into a detailed discussion of the fallacy of such a belief, however, it demonstrates that in our society where male identity is mainly premised on heterosexuality, rape attacks core beliefs about personal identity, and not just the body of the victim. Loss of power and feelings of vulnerability are common symptoms of RTS in men. In the prevalent context of masculine identities based on feelings of invulnerability and powerfulness, these symptoms may be overwhelming for a male rape survivor in prison, who may well act out violently in an attempt to assert himself as a “man”. Their victims are often women they come into contact with when released from prison.

Another major factor compounding the issue of trauma associated with rape in prison is that pleas for help are often ignored by prison staff. Medical attention is often cursory and opportunities for therapeutic intervention is limited (see the article by Stephen van Houten on trauma in the prison context on pp. 52–55). Hence most rape victims in prison remain unaided and do not make the journey of recovery and healing from victim to survivor. What this means is that often these men resort to aggression to deal with unprocessed rage and they themselves enter the cycle of violence, both inside prison and outside when released.

Interventions for redress and support

It is known that rape is widespread in the holding cells of police stations and vans transporting prisoners to Pollsmoor Prison. But because of its location in the Admissions Centre, FAA’s focus is necessarily within the prison environment. It has started an intervention process in the Admissions Center to separate new prisoners who are potential targets for rape by gang members and returning prisoners to make the first night in jail relatively safe. FAA members provide new prisoners with a personalized orientation to prison life, information about food and potential problems they could experience. FAA works from the premise that being “forewarned is forearmed.” With overcrowding in Pollsmoor Prison at its present rate of 200%, FAA’s attempts are not always successful. The success of their activities is also dependent on prison staff being supportive of their work, but unfortunately not all staff are aware of what FAA is trying to do. This appears to be the result of lack of cohesion and communication amongst prison staff and power issues relating to attitudes between the old and new guards. Uneven support for transformation is between those in favour of the old, military ways of performing their duties inherited from apartheid prison culture and those in favour of transformation that asserts a new human rights based culture within prisons.

FAA has also attempted to provide rape survivors with a safe cell, away from the other prisoners.However, this is not always possible.The demand for beds within the overcrowded prison means that a safe cell for rape survivors is not always guaranteed. Also, many male prisoners do not want to identify themselves as rape survivors for fear of being stigmatised. The selection criteria for entry into a safe cell then becomes fraught. The safe cells are currently simultaneously being used to house both survivors and potential victims (such as new arrivals at risk because they are seen as targets), which creates an uneven power dynamic. Additionally, the problem of former perpetrators being housed in a safe cell has been raised. Many of the survivors in the cell are ex-28s gang members (with past records of perpetrating rape and murder), which further complicates the effectiveness of the endeavour.

Reflections on Rape Crisis’ collaboration with FAA

Rape Crisis was initially asked to train FAA members in counselling skills. Prior to taking on this brief, it was agreed that we run a series of “supervision groups” to provide initial advice and information to FAA who were already working with survivors. The aim of the supervision groups was to enable us to learn more about rape in the prison context, which would assist our understanding of how to support redress efforts in Pollsmoor Prison and make our training relevant and specific to the needs there.

This process was a tremendous learning experience for Rape Crisis. The level of trauma experienced within prison and the social power dynamics, such as access to resources, race, class, gang affiliation, prison staff and so forth, that impact on work undertaken to stop rape seem overwhelming. However, supervision groups with FAA also gave us tremendous insights into the changing conditions within prison. Many of the stories we were told relating to the numbers gangs’ rape policies (see the article by Amanda Dissel on pp. 8–15) were concluded with statements such as: “but it’s not like that now, things are changing”. This change in some ways reflects the end of the apartheid era style of prison management, with a new focus on human rights in the democratic order. In Pollsmoor Prison, many credit a new, sensitive prison management with a progressive vision for change, which includes allowing NGO’s and other civil society organizations access to work inside the prison.

The supervision groups also gave Rape Crisis time to assess the kind of transformation work being done in the prison context. It became clear to us that very few people working with prisoners have focussed on the issue of rape and other forms of sexual violence in prison, and that there are fewer still who are prepared to do so. The FAA group we trained was largely comprised of volunteers, which has implications in terms of the different levels of skills, commitment and motivation of members.

The once-off training course was undertaken with FAA, prison staff from every section of Pollsmoor Prison, social workers and selected male prisoners who were keen to participate in supporting fellow prisoners in the recovery process. The course attempted to equip the participants with the skills needed to implement preventative measures and operate as sensitive facilitators in referring survivors on for professional help. We decided to concentrate on the following aims in our training, as any successful intervention in the prison environment will require adequate knowledge about rape and sexual violence:

• To explore the power dynamics in the prison system, that is, between prisoners, prison staff, and the outside world;

• To bear in mind the prison context with its various differences, but to view rape in prison as essentially the same as elsewhere, that is, rape as an act of violence and power where sex is used as the tool;

• To look at masculinity as a social construct and explore its intersections with race and class, amongst other dynamics, and its link to rape in prison.

• To train empathetic listeners and facilitators with counselling skills to support rape survivors, and to equip FAA course members with information on rape and its psychological effects on victims.

• To make efforts to set up concrete referral networks for survivors, both inside and outside the prison.

• To help develop protocols and policy regarding rape to support survivors in prison for use by staff of the Department of Correctional Services, selection criteria and guidelines for FAA members and selection criteria for the safe cells.

• To share knowledge about Rape Trauma Syndrome (RTS) and assist in disseminating information about it within the prison system.

• To strategize on building self-sufficiency in the prison system as regards intervention efforts to redress rape, thereby creating sustainability and independence within the prison community to deal with the issue of rape and other forms of sexual abuse in the prison.

At the time of writing, we are still in the process of evaluating the training programme. Much of the awareness raising, information sharing, and a large dose of personal growth and reflection are testimony to some measure of success in the intervention, at least on our part. Information around protocols and policies was passed to key role-players participating in the programme and FAA members were encouraged to sustain and grow the programme.

In some respects, having completed the training programme, we inevitably have to wonder whether we truly have made a difference in the prison. Certainly, it is clear from the evaluation of the participants that we made a positive impact on their lives. Given the enormity of the problem of sexual violence in South African prisons, we can only hope that our drop in the ocean will, at the very least, have a positive ripple effect within Pollsmoor Prison. Hopefully, any success there will not go unnoticed by the Department of Correctional Services, which will hopefully realize the importance of spending resources to intervene in breaking the culture of rape in prison, thereby also impacting positively on cycles of sexual violence outside prison.

Hearing stories about prison life under apartheid, it is clear that any intervention from the outside in Pollsmoor Prison would have been impossible in the past. The support and participation of Pollsmoor Prison staff in our intervention at the prison and the commitment of prison management was invaluable to our intervention. This intervention has been instrumental in raising our own awareness about male rape in general and in prison specifically. This opportunity can only be of further use to us in our attempts to break the overwhelming trend of rape and the silence surrounding it in South Africa.7

Emma Harvey is a volunteer counsellor and public awareness trainer at Rape Crisis in the Western Cape. For more information on Rape Crisis, visit their website at http://www.rapecrisis.org.za

Endnotes

1. Awareness of the HIV/AIDS pandemic and the increase of HIV positive prisoners, has helped to highlight the necessity of condom provision in the male sections of Pollsmoor Prison and create awareness of the prevalence of rape and its traumatizing effects in prison.

2. Another crucial question we faced concerns the support we were offering to men. Rape Crisis is an all women organization with a mission to provide services and education to women. We are a feminist organization and our pro-women emphasis is often viewed as anti-male. Were we compromising our mission and focus on women by working with men? In some ways our answer to that is who better to do this work with men than feminists, armed with years of research on the social construction of gender as a source of sexual violence and a commitment to try to eradicate it? Who better than us, who have seen the effects of the cycle of sexual violence, to empower men with skills to assist other men to become survivors, thereby intervening in the cycle of victims of rape becoming perpetrators?

3. See the website of the Stop Prisoner Rape organization at http://www.spr.org

4. In British prisons, rape is commonly referred to (by prisoners as well) as bullying.

5. The Stop Prisoner Rape organization in the United States provides an invaluable resource on RTS in the prison context. (See Note 3 above.)

6. Men have been slow in empowering themselves with an understanding on how masculine identities are constructed and the roles they are expected to play in society. One of the main reasons for this is that issues of gender (identity, sexuality and roles) have largely been regarded as a women’s, and more specifically a feminist, space. The upsurge in gay activism and knowledge generation in the latter part of the twentieth century has played a crucial role in challenging dominant ideas of masculinity. As such, issues relating to the construction of male identity, sexuality and power relationships under dominant patriarchal systems continue to be proactively challenged by the gay lobby. However, although apparently on the increase recently, heterosexual men’s involvement with regard to gender transformation has been slow to take off.

7. I am indebted to my colleagues, Henrietta Settler and Nicole Wodin from Rape Crisis for their ideas and for reading the initial drafts of this article. I wish to acknowledge the contribution of the Editor of Track Two, Roshila Nair, in the conceptual and theoretical discussions relating to masculinity and gender and for the various suggestions to rework this article.

Bibliography

Kupers, T. 2001. “Rape and the Prison Code” from Prison Masculinities, Don Sabo, Terry A Kupers and Willie London (eds). Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

Prisoners’ needs

We need to educate prisoners about safe sex and the dangers of not using condoms as a lot of prisoners sodomise each other and share old needles for tattooing, which is asking for trouble. But it seems as if it’s okay because no one worries about all this in jail. We need people who care about us and we need to be taught that HIV and AIDS kills. So many of the guys here have the germ already. We need to think about those who have boyfriends and about our wives and girlfriends and what will happen to them when we are released. We all need to know that it is not about black or white or gangster or non-gangster — it’s about saving human lives.

We all need to be somebody. To become somebody you have to act like somebody. You have to be that somebody in mind and soul. We all know its everybody’s dream to become successful so what we really need is the challenge to do it, but most of all we need hope. I believe we are all warriors of hope.

At the time of writing, William, a sentenced prisoner at Pollsmoor Prison in the Western Cape, participated in conflict resolution programmes run by the Centre for Conflict Resolution at the prison.

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